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HomeAnalyticsThe political power of arms , by Manlio Dinucci

The political power of arms , by Manlio Dinucci

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Markets and the European Union in alarm, the political opposition goes on the attack, the President of the Republic appeals to the Constitution, because the announced financial manoeuvre by the Italian government would result in a deficit of around 27 billion euros ($31.3 billion).

Absolute silence, however, both in the government and in the opposition, on the fact that Italy spends a similar amount in one year for military purposes. The 2018 figure is around 25 billion euros, plus other military items, bringing it to over 27 billion. It is more than 70 million euros ($81 million) a day, increasing as Italy has committed itself in NATO to bringing it up to around 100 million ($116 million) a day.

Why does no politician question the growing disbursement of public money for weapons, armed forces and military interventions? Because it would mean going against the United States, the “privileged ally” (i.e. the dominant imperialist state), which requires Italy to continuously increase military spending.

For the fiscal year 2019 (which began on Oct 1, 2018), the U.S. arms expenditure exceeds $700 billion, plus other military items, including almost $200 billion for retired soldiers. Total U.S. military spending thus rises to over $1 trillion per year, or a quarter of federal spending.

A growing investment in war allows the United States according to the 2018 National Defense Strategy Summary, to meet its goal to “remain the preeminent military power in the world, ensure the balances of power remain in our favor, and advance an international order that is most conducive to our security and prosperity.”

However, military expenditure will cause a deficit of almost $1 trillion in the federal budget in fiscal year 2019. This will further increase the U.S. federal government’s debt, which has risen to around $21.5 trillion.

This debt is countered domestically by cuts in social spending and, abroad, by printing dollars, which is used as the main currency of the world’s currency reserves and commodity prices.

But there are those who grow wealthy from the growing military expenditure. They are the giants of the war industry. Among the world’s ten largest arms manufacturers, six are based in the United States: Lockheed Martin, Boeing, Raytheon Company, Northrop Grumman, General Dynamics, L3 Technologies. Followed by the British BAE Systems, the French-Dutch Airbus, the Italian Leonardo (formerly Finmeccanica), which climbed to ninth place, and the French Thales.

They are not just individual giant arms companies. They form the military-industrial complex, closely integrated with institutions and parties, in a wide and deep interweaving of interests. This creates a true arms establishment, whose profits and powers increase as tension and wars increase.

Leonardo, which derives 85 percent of its revenues from the sale of arms, is integrated in the American military-industrial complex; it supplies products and services not only to the Armed Forces and the companies of the Pentagon, but also to the intelligence agencies, while in Italy it manages the plant in Cameri making Lockheed Martin F-35 fighters.

In September, the Leonardo was chosen by the Pentagon, with Boeing as the first contractor, to supply the U.S. Air Force with the AW139 attack helicopter.

In August, Fincantieri (controlled by the finance company of the Ministry of Economy and Finance) with Lockheed Martin delivered to the U.S. Navy two additional Coast Guard ships.

All this must be kept in mind when one wonders why, in the Italian parliamentary and institutional bodies, there is an overwhelming consensus among many of the parties not to cut but to increase military spending.

(Il Manifesto, Oct. 2, 2018)

John Catalinotto

On Mon, Oct 1, 2018 at 6:13 PM Manlio Dinucci wrote:


Messaggio inoltrato Da: Manlio Dinucci Data: Tue, 02 Oct 2018 00:13:08 +0200 Conversazione: Il potere politico delle armi Oggetto: Il potere politico delle armi

L’arte della guerra Il potere politico delle armi

Manlio Dinucci

Mercati e Unione europea in allarme, opposizione all’attacco, richiamo del presidente della Repubblica alla Costituzione, perché l’annunciata manovra finanziaria del governo comporterebbe un deficit di circa 27 miliardi di euro.

Silenzio assoluto invece, sia nel governo che nell’opposizione, sul fatto che l’Italia spende in un anno una somma analoga a scopo militare. Quella del 2018 è di circa 25 miliardi di euro, cui si aggiungono altre voci di carattere miitare portandola a oltre 27 miliardi. Sono oltre 70 milioni di euro al giorno, in aumento poiché l’Italia si è impegnata nella Nato a portarli a circa 100 milioni al giorno.

Perché nessuno mette in discussione il crescente esborso di denaro pubblico per armi, forze armate e interventi militari? Perché vorrebbe dire mettersi contro gli Stati uniti, l’«alleato privilegiato» (ossia dominante), che ci richiede un continuo aumento della spesa militare.

Quella statunitense per l’anno fiscale 2019 (iniziato il 1° ottobre 2018) supera i 700 miliardi di dollari, cui si aggiungono altre voci di carattere militare, compresi quasi 200 miliardi per i militari a riposo. La spesa militare complessiva degli Stati uniti sale così a oltre 1.000 miliardi di dollari annui, ossia a un quarto della spesa federale.

Un crescente investimento nella guerra, che permette agli Stati uniti (secondo la motivazione ufficiale del Pentagono) di «rimanere la preminente potenza militare nel mondo, assicurare che i rapporti di potenza restino a nostro favore e far avanzare un ordine internazionale che favorisca al massimo la nostra prosperità».

La spesa militare provocherà però nel budget federale, nell’anno fiscale 2019, un deficit di quasi 1.000 miliardi. Questo farà aumentare ulteriormente il debito del governo federale Usa, salito a circa 21.500 miliardi di dollari.

Esso viene scaricato all’interno con tagli alle spese sociali e, all’estero, stampando dollari, usati quale principale moneta delle riserve valutarie mondiali e delle quotazioni delle materie prime.

C’è però chi guadagna dalla crescente spesa militare. Sono i colossi dell’industria bellica. Tra le dieci maggiori produttrici mondiali di armamenti, sei sono statunitensi: Lockheed Martin, Boeing, Raytheon Company, Northrop Grumman, General Dynamics, L3 Technologies. Seguono la britannica BAE Systems, la franco-olandese Airbus, l’italiana Leonardo (già Finmeccanica) salita al nono posto, e la francese Thales.

Non sono solo gigantesche aziende produttrici di armamenti. Esse formano il complesso militare-industriale, strettamente integrato con istituzioni e partiti, in un esteso e profondo intreccio di interessi. Ciò crea un vero e proprio establishment delle armi, i cui profitti e poteri aumentano nella misura in cui aumentano tensioni e guerre.

La Leonardo, che ricava l’85% del suo fatturato dalla vendita di armi, è integrata nel complesso militare-industriale statunitense: fornisce prodotti e servizi non solo alle Forze armate e alle aziende del Pentagono, ma anche alle agenzie d’intelligence, mentre in Italia gestisce l’impianto di Cameri dei caccia F-35 della Lockheed Martin.

In settembre la Leonardo è stata scelta dal Pentagono, con la Boeing prima contrattista, per fornire alla US Air Force l’elicottero da attacco AW139.

In agosto, Fincantieri (controllata dalla società finanziaria del Ministero dell’Economia e delle Finanze) ha consegnato alla US Navy, con la Lockheed Martin, altre due navi da combattimento litorale.

Tutto questo va tenuto presente quando ci si chiede perché, negli organi parlamentari e istituzionali italiani, c’è uno schiacciante consenso multipartisan a non tagliare ma ad aumentare la spesa militare.

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